By Andrew R. Hoehn, Adam Grissom, David A. Ochmanek, David A. Shlapak, Alan J. Vick
An rising U.S. grand strategy--the merchandising of democracy and freedom abroad--will definitely contain the U.S. military. even if they need to swap to satisfy adjustments in emphasis and insist, they can not danger their ancient strengths. a few components of curiosity are the association and employment of forces, making plans for destiny conflicts, constructing info assets, and fostering partnerships one of the providers and with allies.
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Extra resources for A New Division of Labor: Meeting America's Security Challenges Beyond Iraq (Project Air Force)
Military intervention in a cross-strait military oﬀensive and compelling an isolated Taiwanese leadership to surrender. To achieve this, the PLA has undertaken to update both its strategy and its equipment. Today, China no longer regards the threat of either a nuclear attack or a massive land invasion as its primary security concerns. Rather, a new approach has crystallized that emphasizes limited oﬀensive power projection in areas on China’s periphery, such as the Taiwan Strait. This doctrine, sometimes referred to as “limited war under high-tech conditions,” emphasizes both the subordination of military to political goals and the need to achieve a military decision quickly, before international pressure can force an end to hostilities.
We have already seen—in Afghanistan, Iraq, Central Asia, the Philippines, and elsewhere—how individual missions can last years and can involve anywhere from dozens to tens of thousands of personnel in roles ranging from support and training to sustained direct combat. S. military forces will be called on to mount and sustain multiple prolonged operations of very diﬀerent sizes and purposes in widely separated parts of the world. S. forces now will be scattered around the world, usually in smaller deployments, working to train and advise their host-country counterparts.
Indeed, the United States imposed fairly substantial constraints on its military operations in both Korea and Vietnam out of a perceived need to avoid provoking escalatory responses from Moscow or Beijing. 4 In the case of Korea, for example, the risk of conﬂict may not be determined solely, or even primarily, by Pyongyang’s external circumstances. Internationally isolated, desperately poor, and politically underdeveloped to the point of selfcaricature, it is not implausible that North Korea may prove to be so unstable that, confronting some domestic crisis, it could strike out against outside enemies, real or perceived.